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Chapter-3: The community comes of age (1970-2000)
The community comes of age (1970-2000)
Te final vestiges of the White Australia Policy were formally eliminated in 1973 with the adoption of a non-discriminatory immigration policy and the announcement that Australia was a multicultural society.' This policy marked a departure by the Government from Australia's previous avid commitment to assimilation and integration policies. For the Punjabi community, this was the turning point and provided the opportunity for them to establish themselves as a community in Australia.
This change in policy had various effects on the Punjabis in the WoolgoolgaCoffs Harbour area. The implementation of a non-discriminatory immigration and citizenship policy meant the expansion of the community: The Racial Discrimination Act of 1975 led to further identification with Australia as home. And passage of the Commonwealth Government's National Agenda for a Multicultural Society led to the extension of settlement services to the Punjabi community.
During the period of assimilation and integration in the 1950S and 1960s, the Punjabis faced many challenges. To establish themselves in the banana industry, to bring their dependents to Australia, to build their gurdwaras and to negotiate citizenship the community had relied heavily on the goodwill of prominent local businessmen such as Billy Richards, Charles Newman, Don Clinch, Geoff Hall and
Neville Roach. However, there was still an expectation that Punjabis would conform to dominant Australian social patterns. For instance, during the 1960s, the Punjabi community made an application to the Coffs Harbour City Council for permission to create a cremation ground in accordance with their religious beliefs and rites. This caused quite a disruption in the local community with the council voting unanimously to refuse the application as, in the words of the Woolgoolga representative on the council, it was "distasteful to the majority of people in the town".3
Education
If the Punjabis were to have their cultural practices and religious rituals accepted, they needed to break away from their dependence on local white ethnic brokers and overcome the prejudices of the white majority. They saw education as the way to surmount these difficulties. Despite the fact that most of the early Punjabi settlers were illiterate agriculturalists, they brought with them a strong belief from their homeland that education would improve one's lot by opening the doors of power and securing an easier life.
Consequently, the children of the settlers, especially the males, were encouraged to get a formal education.
I was always passionate about education. Dad was my role model. I thought about these people, they were typical and true Jat farmers, and here I was a migrant boy. It was Dad who made it simple for me. He said, "If you can get an education, it is the best way in life." - Baljeet Singh Mullee
I wanted to be successful. My parents didn't pressure me. And they didn't have an expectation that I would follow them into the bananas. I knew that an education was very important to them. - Tarsem (Sam) Singh Bhatty
At the beginning of the 1950S, Maluke Singh Arkan was the first Punjabi child to attend Woolgoolga Central School. I remember Luke at school. When he first came, everyone was curious. We all wanted to be his mate, because it was unique to have this Indian chap in the class. It was different. It was his race that was the interest. - Robert (Bobby) Laugher
By the late 1950S and early 1960s, there were a number of Punjabi Sikh children at the school including Sam Singh (Atwal), Amarjit More, Roger Atwal, Amrik Thandi, Baljeet Singh Mullee, Piara Sodhi, Mon Singh, Ragbiro Kaur (the first Punjabi female student) and Rashpal Kaur (Parlo). Some had only recently migrated from the Punjab and did not speak English. Special bridging-English programs had not yet been introduced, and thus there was a reliance on classmates to help out. The Punjabi Sikh students had especially good friendships with the Punjabi Muslim children, Akram and Zora Dean, who were also attending the school.
Akram Dean was fluent in English and Punjabi. He was our middleman, our stepping stone, our translator. - Amarjit Singh More
I hated school because I couldn't understand anything. I had no English language and nothing made sense to me. There was no formal policy to assist kids in my position. I had a few other Indian boys in the class, Satnam [Singh], Lakbar [Singh Bhatty] and Peter [Arkan], born and bred here, who explained things to me. They made it possible for me to cope. - Kirpal Singh Husna
A number of those interviewed spoke positively of Douglas Whitton, principal at Woolgoolga Central School at the time, as being particularly supportive of the Punjabi children. Whitton initiated programs that would assist them, including English language classes for the children and later for the women. In an effort to communicate with parents about their children's school work, he sent home notes that had been translated into Punjabi.
The teachers thought very highly of Amarjit More, as he was often the go-between, especially with the Indian women. The Punjabi men, through their business dealings in the banana industry, were getting a good grasp of the English language. Not so the women. When a note had to go home, the headmaster, Mr Whitton, used to ask Amarjit to write the note in Punjabi to ensure that the mothers got the message too. -Jean Robinson, teacher at Woolgoolga Central School
A common theme in the comments was that Doug Whitton practised multiculturalism in Woolgoolga before it was formally instituted in Australia. It was Mr Whitton who made us. He instilled in us the value of education, and it is this support he gave us in the early years that drove me to become who I am. -Amarjit Singh More
In 1967, Whitton encouraged the Punjabi Sikh and Punjabi Muslim students to share the 20th anniversary of Indian and Pakistani Independence with the school community. The local paper covered the event. Whitton was quoted as saying that much of what he had seen at the ceremony reminded him afresh that all nationalities and races had much of benefit to learn from each other.4 The following year, he engaged Surjit Kaur, the granthi (priest) at the new First Sikh Temple, to teach a Sikh religion class at Woolgoolga Central School for the benefit of the non-Punjabi pupils.
He encouraged us to remember and share our history and background, to celebrate and tell about who we are. -Amarjit Singh More
But Whitton's efforts at practising multiculturalism before its time were less appreciated by the majority of the community, who still favoured assimilation of immigrant cultures and was largely intolerant of Punjabi culture. Whitton himself remembers his two years in Woolgoolga as a time of "considerable adult intolerance" and "prejudice on both sides of the divide" (see his reflections in Community Voices at the end of this chapter). But he recalled that the school children seemed to rise above it on occasion:
Despite considerable adult intolerance in town, a Sikh lad was elected school captain by the student body. (That boy is now Doctor Amarjit Singh More, a local medical practitioner.) That election confirmed ... [that] children accept each other on quality values. -Douglas Whitton
So what were the consequences of education for the Punjabi community? Although Punjabi schoolboys from the 1960s and 1970S went on to study medicine, engineering and economics, they all returned to Woolgoolga. And many followed their fathers into the bananas, attracted by the income and the unique lifestyle offered by self-employment, community life and supportive family ties.5
I chose bananas because I wanted to help my parents. Although I was attending university, they came first. So I returned. - Tarsem (Sam) Singh Bhatty
I was successful in getting a graduate position. Dad said that bananas were really good income. The industry was at its prime. And because it was family, I came back to Woolgoolga to work in the bananas. - John Singh Atwal
When I came back to Woolgoolga I felt comfortable and accepted. There was a family closeness that I missed. I was used to being in the extended family and when I came to Woolgoolga to visit I was the centre of attraction. I had to come to the family. I had to come home. It was the lifestyle I longed for. - Baljeet Singh Mullee
Even though most returned to farm life rather than pursue their professions, the educated sons of the cO!TImunity were now in a position to interact more confidently and effectively with the outside community and with a heightened status within the Punjabi community.
Woolgoolga has struck the right chord. Many of us, especially the early generation, are at home in the mainstream and at home in Punjabi culture. - Amarjit Singh More
However, most of this first generation found that the obligations of their culture (extended family expectations, marital traditions, filial obligations and religious duties) to a large degree limited their involvement with the mainstream community except where necessary for business purposes.
While the children were encouraged to pursue education, not many of the female first generation of school leavers went on to higher education.6 This was because jzzat was upheld by female virtue. Traditional expectations were that girls would marry young and leave their natal families for the families of their husbands, and it was expected that girls would have retained their modesty by living with their families until marriage. The idea of the village daughters going off to college or university on their own was alien to those upholding this traditional concept. Consequently, most girls were only allowed to attend institutions of higher education close to home. Those who were allowed to venture further a field could only do so where there were family chaperones.
Back in the old days, boys were encouraged to go to university to get an education. There was myself, Amarjit and Baljeet who all got degrees. Unfortunately it wasn't the same for girls. - Roger Singh Atwal
But during years 11 and 12, the talk about marriage kept going on because the family didn't like the idea of me going away from home on my own. - Nachattar (Sarto) Kaur Arkan
Some of the daughters of the village did go on to pursue further education and these women were the pioneers in that they opened the way for subsequent generations to pursue their dreams through education. The first Punjabi women from Woolgoolga to pursue higher education were Paramjeet Kaur Malhi, Diploma in Food Technology from Hawkesbury Agricultural College, Nachattar (Sarto) Kaur Arkan, Bachelor of Arts and Diploma in Education from University of New England, Armidale, and Kulsoom Ahmed, Diploma in Teaching from Armidale Teachers College.
Both the sons and daughters of the village who, in this first generation of school children, went away for further education found themselves able to live in two worlds. They acquired skills and cultural capital that enabled them to function professionally and socially in the wider Australian society. In short, they became more worldly or cos
My life in college and in Sydney certainly taught me a lot. I learned to talk differently, socialise differently, behave differently. That was the stage when I was living in two worlds. And, yes, I was outside the cocoon that is Woolgoolga ... After all, by leaving Woolgoolga, venturing out in the world, you gain life skills and it's these that see you through. - Roger Singh Atwal
The [educated] individual has to change to suit Woolgoolga. There is no acceptance of individualism. - Ba/jeet Singh Mullee
The majority of the Punjabi girls who went to school in Woolgoolga stayed home in the village and accepted arranged marriages and home lives on the banana farms.
I knew that when I finished school I would get married. When all the ladies got together that is all they talked about, our marriages. However, it was scary when one of our group had to leave school to get married. That was hard. – a daughter of the village
Education was very important to my parents. We were encouraged and supported. I wanted to do teaching or nursing, but my parents didn't want me to go away from Woolgoolga. It was just the way things were for the girls back then. I accepted that. That was what you did: respect your parents' wishes. - Helen Bedi
Family and marriage
The understanding of a woman's role in Punjabi society is crucial to understanding the dynamics of Punjabi family life. And this rolep can best be understood in terms of the cultural logic as it plays out in a migrant situation. Local Punjabi girls, in the main, have been raised with an acute sensitivity to the fact that jzzat is tied to their reputations.8 One of the main requirements of maintaining jzzat is being the "good
Punjabi girl" -learning household duties, respecting one's elders, participating in community social life, performing one's religious duties, accepting an arranged marriage, obeying one's husband, providing hospitality to guests and being modest in front of men outside the extended family. This latter point has, over the years, been a point of some misunderstanding on the part of non-Punjabi men, who misinterpret the reluctance of Punjabi females to engage them in conversation as a sign of aloofness or unwillingness to be part of the society. And, of course, the overall gender segregation at Punjabi gatherings is much commented upon by non-Punjabis, who see familiarity between the sexes as a sign of egalitarianism.
Talking about a girl or woman's actions in terms of how she conforms to this "good Punjabi girl" model constitutes a form of social pressure that has helped shape Punjabi female behaviour in Woolgoolga since family life was established in the 1960s. The fact that members of the local Punjabi community have lived in such close social and physical proximity means that social control has been much as it might be in a Punjabi village where people's actions are largely known and widely discussed.9
Most women readily conform to this model and do not feel particularly constrained by it. They are happy with the social, religious, and agricultural make-up of their lives as women in the village -taking care of their households, their husbands and children; helping out on the banana and blueberry farms; and providing the material and social basis for maintaining community functions. As such, they playa crucial role in maintaining the social fabric of the community's cultural life. Most of these women came from Punjabi villages and very much appreciate the material comforts of life in Australia and the social status that derives from being well settled abroad.
I was excited about coming to Australia. I had a vision of Australia as a land of hope ... When I came it was very different to India. The homes were different. It was quiet and clean. It was very beautiful ... At first I was lonely ... but then going to the gurdwara ... was very important to my life. - Jasvir Kaur Thandi
It was exciting that I was going to Australia. I liked Woolgoolga ... People here are like in the villages in the Punjab -they talk Punjabi, we have Indian music, we go to the gurdwara. I have my sister-in-laws in Sydney, but I like Woolgoolga. - Sukpal Kaur Sidhu
It is all right here depending upon where you come from and your personal life. For those from the villages and in agriculture, it is good here. - Surinder Kaur Kaler
However, educated daughters and daughters-in-law find that their education has introduced them to a range of values and critical-thinking skills and that their employment has drawn them into daily interaction with the wider society. This often presents a problem for these women. What is seen by them and their families as an investment in education and career advancement can have the effect of alienating them from those who want to hold women to the "good Punjabi girl" model.>o Many professional women, both migrant brides and village daughters, have found it an almost insurmountable challenge to reconcile their individuality and professional aspirations with their reputation and standing in the local Punjabi community.
I wanted to retain my personality, who and what I was ... But Woolgoolga doesn't like change. I had to finish my degree ... It was important to them that I have an education ... That way you are independent and financially secure ... - Surinder Kaur Kaler
Education was important to my family. My expectations of a foreign country were more something like Sydney. But here the traditions are followed ... and although I was well educated I had to learn the Australian way of gaining work. - Surinder Kaur Arkan
Since marriage is the ultimate respectable destiny for all Punjabi women, arranged marriages become a key arena in which the pressures on women to conform are felt. It is a man's responsibility to see that his daughters and sisters are married well and properly. In this way, the arranged marriage becomes an index of family honour and prestige. One wants to marry one's daughters and sisters into good families, but this depends on one's own family's reputation. Consequently, it is not only the marriage chances of the individual woman that may be at risk if she fails to live up to the image of the "good Punjabi girl" but also the marriage chances of others in the family.
Traditionally, in Punjabi culture daughters married out of their villages and went to live with their husbands' families in their villages. Consequently, if Punjabi patralocal customs had been followed, the daughters in Woolgoolga would have moved on to live with their husbands in their husbands' places of residence. However, in this case, almost all the daughters of the village stayed and brought husbands from the Punjab to live in Australia. Australian citizenship had the effect of making these women increasingly attractive marriage partners to Punjabi men interested in settling abroad. Families from Woolgoolga could offer Australian residence and a start in the bananas as, in effect, a part of their daughters' dowries.
The new sons-in-law from India had varied educational backgrounds. Most were Jat Sikh villagers who had been agricultural workers in the Punjab. Consequently, they were up to the task of working a banana plantation. On the other hand, these rural Punjabis by and large lacked experience in dealing with Westerners and had to depend on their wives and fathers-in-law to show them the ropes.
When I came out I didn't know anything about this country or anyone here. I was dependent on the family, so followed. What else could I have done? - Iqbal Singh Manj
Given the appeal of migration to Punjabis during this period and the prestige that Australia had in the global Punjabi marriage market, some of the more educated daughters of the village married boys with a relatively high degree of Indian education. These sons-in-law were, in general, less prepared to accept the life of the rustic Punjabi farmer. After all, they had expected their investment in education and credentials to gain them professional jobs in India, and they assumed that the same would be the case when they came to Australia. But most of them soon decided that banana farming offered a lucrative income and autonomous lifestyle that was preferable to trying to establish themselves professionally.
When I came to Woolgoolga, I had full expectations that I would pursue an occupation suited to my qualifications, so we moved to Sydney, where I soon found a position ... Then we moved to Woolgoolga, and I bought a banana plantation. This was mainly because there were few alternatives [bananas offered] self-employment, the family could be involved, land was a good investment and the income was excellent. - Major Singh Sidhu
Whether educated or not, an in-marrying son-in-law is in a somewhat anomalous position. In Punjabi culture, wife-takers are in a position of superiority over wife-givers. In India, the wife comes into a man's family home where he is already established and has the support of his extended family. It is she who has to make the adaptation to a new family and setting and her family pays deference to her husband's family and tries not to meddle in his family's affairs. Here, it is the daughter who has her natal family as support, and it is the incoming son-in-law who is without a family network. In the Punjab, moving in with one's wife's family has traditionally meant a loss of face. In this case, however, families in the Punjab have been willing to marry their sons to Australian girls to achieve that elusive foothold abroad.
I was in Australia on a temporary basis, as my parents wanted me to live in India. Therefore, I did not seek permanent employment that would tie me down. I was happy cutting cane and working on my banana plantation. These types of employment meant that I was not tied down by responsibilities and had my freedom, which I needed to meet my obligations in India ... In 1988, I returned to Australia. The main reason for my return was to ensure that my children had a Western education and were in a position to be fully settled. - Kirpal KhunKhun
During this period, families had also begun to go to the Punjab to find wives for their sons. In this case, they were simply using existing marital networks to find brides from families of appropriate social status. All of the children of this era accepted arranged marriages and left the negotiations largely to their parents.
When I was growing up, I knew that my parents would arrange my marriage. And I accepted that. Arranged marriage is our culture. You can't disassociate arranged marriage from the culture. They go hand in hand. If you are a Punjabi Sikh, you have an arranged marriage. - Baljeet Singh Mullee
Bananas
For the Punjabis, the banana industry has been solely responsible for their firm establishment in the Woolgoolga-Coffs Harbour area. The 20 years from 1970 to 1990 saw an increase in the Punjabi community from about 40 families to over 100. With the implementation of the Whitlam government's non-discriminatory immigration policy and the Racial Discrimination Act of 1975, the numbers increased in chain-migration fashion, especially via spouses of the children of the settlers. With the assistance of those already settled, most of the newcomers chose to enter the banana industry.
Bananas were first introduced to the Coffs Harbour region in 1891." In the 1930s, with the outbreak of bunchy top virus in the industry in Queensland, northern NSW experienced increased demand for its disease-free fruit. The area under bananas in Coffs Harbour thus expanded to 1,462 hectares by 1947. It was during these years that Punjabis entered the banana industry in the Woolgoolga and Korora areas -first as labourers, then as sharecroppers and soon as owner-operators. Today, Punjabis are the dominant growers in the region, representing more than 90 per cent of the industry in Woolgoolga (540 hectares) and 50 per cent in Coffs Harbour (515 hectares). Of the total of 1,631 hectares under banana cultivation in the area today (from Halfway Creek in the north to the Bellinger River in the south) 1,055 hectares are owned and operated by the Punjabis."
At first, the Punjabi growers were mainly in the Woolgoolga area. Access to homes, family labour and fellow Punjabis influenced this choice. It was only in the 1980s when the Italian growers who had a stronghold in the Coffs Harbour area either moved to Queensland or retired from the industry that Punjabis moved into the Coffs Harbour-growing areas in significant numbers.
Prime reasons for the economic success of the Punjabi banana farms were the utilization of family labour and the willingness to work hard. By pooling family labour and working long hours, Punjabi farmers were able to make do with minimal hired help. Men of the family would do the field labour, women would do the cleaning and packing and the children would help with making the packing cases, first out of wood and later out of cardboard.
As a kid I helped on the farm -making cases, packing, bagging. Then, at 16, I started working on the plantation full-time. - Paramjeet Singh Sidhu
Dad didn't push us to go into bananas, but we had to help with making cases and work on the weekend before we could do anything else, such as playing sport. - Kirpal Singh Husna
Bananas were first introduced to the Coffs Harbour area in 1891. Inset: boxed bananas. We helped out on the bananas. We made cases. That was all we ever did. - Man-Ark Singh
As a consequence of the Punjabis' entry into the banana industry and the efficiency of the family-run operations, the past 30 years have marked a massive increase in the affluence of the Punjabi community. The steady income from bananas, particularly during the period from 1974 to 1988, resulted in increased land ownership and a move from fibro cottages and shared accommodation to large brick houses for most families. '3
Bananas have been the main source of income but Punjabis also have strong investments in rental property, both residential and commercial. For example, the Husna brothers -Harbhajan, Kirpal and Mulkeet -own the largest set of units in the area and Prem Singh Bains has commercial property in the central business district.
Thus, the relatively low cost of setting up, family-oriented labour and year-round income were all incentives for becoming involved in banana farming.
It was just the great income. I didn't particularly like working in the ananas, but the money was better than a salary. - John Singh Atwal
After school, I got an apprenticeship with the local mechanic, but I left that ... because the money from bananas was much better. - Mick Sodhi
I started playing league and soccer and the responsibility set in soon after. Dad went off to India and I had to look after the plantations. Then I was in bananas. - Jit Singh
As well as those mentioned above, other factors influenced the choice of banana farming as the main occupation. These can best be described in relation to particular groups.
Since it did not require specialised skill or training, banana farming was a viable option for those sons of the village who had not done well at school -often because they started school in Australia after arriving at an advanced age with minimal English language skills. For these sons the bananas provided an excellent opportunity to make a good living and accumulate substantial wealth that would not have been offered by any other form of employment.
Bananas, it's excellent money. Given that I left school at 16, I have done really well. It is hard work. It's the hills that are hard. The points for success are to put in the hard work, keep up with the chemical requirements and [work with] the merchants. It's strange how a lot of boys were going to do something else but came back to the bananas. - Kirpal Singh Husna
For subsequent migrants, especially the sons-in-law who arrived from agricultural backgrounds in Punjab, the unskilled banana industry provided a familiar work environment and the opportunity to establish themselves financially in a very short period of time.
I had come from a farming background in India. I had done agricultural work. I was healthy and fit. It wasn't a problem. - Dilbara Singh
For the more educated sons-in-law from India it was an attractive alternative to moving to the cities to find professional employment. In comparison to establishing oneself in an expensive urban setting, growing bananas in the Coffs HarbourWoolgoolga area offered excellent income, savings opportunities, family support, cultural ties and an enviable lifestyle.
Woolgoolga was attractive. Life was easy. There was family support. The bananas offered a good income. It was easier raising the kids. I like city life, but it is difficult to bring up a family there. - Danny Dosanjh
The autonomy and flexibility of banana farming have been crucial considerations for all. These factors have contributed heavily to the the Punjabi Sikh community's ability to maintain strong religious and cultural traditions. Sikh religious occasions -including birth, engagement, marriage, death and thanksgiving ceremonies -can be scheduled at short notice without the need to wait for a weekend or public holiday. Social and religious functions can be held much more regularly than if community members are tied down by employment in the nine-to-five workplace. Furthermore, overseas travel to India and other countries is not governed by the requirements of annual leave. As a consequence, trips overseas are taken whenever and for whatever amount of time suits the family's needs. This, of course, has had the effect of keeping alive links with the extended family and with the culture back in the Punjab. Indeed, for most Punjabi Sikh parents, taking their children out of school for a trip to India is seen as a valuable contribution to their children's cultural education.
Despite their domination of the local banana industry, Punjabi growers have been slow to participate in the formal industry organisations." Although, according to Department of Agriculture statistics, Punjabis represent 80 per cent of the growers in the Coffs Harbour-Woolgoolga area, only a few have been involved with the local Banana Growers Association (BGA). The only Punjabis to hold executive positions have been Paramjeet Singh Sidhu and Kashmir Singh Gill, who served as president and secretary respectively, from August 1998 to August 2000. Other Punjabi growers have been nominated for various roles but have declined.
I think the Punjabis, as the majority of local growers, need to get involved. - David Pike, president of the Banana Growers Association of Coffs and District Inc (2001)
Industry representatives have suggested a number of possible reasons for lack of Punjabi participation, including alienation from white-dominated industry structures, impatience with the lack of quick results, perceived resistance from non-Punjabis, lack of knowledge of Punjabi social structure on the part of non-Punjabis and a feeling that there is little reward in participation. The last point is particularly salient. Time devoted to service on industry committees is voluntary and is time away from the plantation. This conflicts with the Punjabi ethos that "hard work will achieve everything".
Punjabi growers agree that the industry structures are important, and most acknowledge that Punjabi participation is poor. Punjabi explanations for this include: a) difficulty in seeing what the industry structures are accomplishing with the fees levied on growers; b) feelings of isolation from the way that non-Punjabis run the organisations; c) lack of understanding of Australian systems of collective action; d) reluctance to take time away from the plantations to attend meetings; and e) an acceptance that non-Punjabis must know how to do the work better.
Westerners operate different to us. They like sitting around at these meetings. And, therefore, Punjabis aren't interested in being on committees. Punjabis don't understand or appreciate how important decisions at meetings are to them. - a son of the village
There was a lack of interest on behalf of the Punjabi growers. They thought they were not getting much out of it. The growers could not see what the BGA was doing for them. -
Paramjeet Singh Sidhu
Interestingly, most growers felt that if the non-Punjabis did not continue to serve, the Punjabis would take over the BGA. But many were dubious about how successful they would be because it is hard for the Punjabis to reach consensus on key issues and because they might be distrustful of one of their own in power. Those who have become involved with industry organisations feel there was little support for them from fellow Punjabi growers, and they were not willing to "carry the shame" of not having other Punjabis support them.
Their downfall is that they can't agree on anything. -John Singh Atwal
There continued to be a lack of participation. This was disheartening. The worst thing was that they were very negative about people in power. -Paramjeet Singh Sidhu
During the boom times, however, apart from the Punjabis' lack of involvement in banana industry structures, the industry seemed to have few problems and was generating good income. But there was a decline in the industry in the 1990S and the Punjabis responded in ways that will be discussed in the next section.
In reality, the banana farms by themselves were only able to support the expanding community from about 1975 to 1995. Before 1975, the early settlers were supplementing their income from cane cutting in the Maclean area of northern NSW. Since the late 1980s, and especially since the mid-1990s, banana income has been supplemented by the emerging local blueberry industry on the Corindi range north of Woolgoolga. Indeed, blueberries have come to play an important role in the economic and social life of the Punjabi community.
Blueberries
In 1984, a Bureau of Agricultural Economics study of more than 40 crops placed blueberries in the recommended top prospects for new horticultural crops in Australia.'5 By the end of June 1985, Johnson Farm Management had introduced blueberries as a new fruit to Australia by setting up cluster farms and subsequent incorporation of a co-operative on Range Road, Corindi. The key to the success of this venture was its ability to supply blueberries in the northern hemisphere off-season by taking advantage of the favourable local climate, arable land, reliable water supply and distributional infrastructure. In 1985 this operation was taken over by individual investors in a cluster-farming venture incorporated as Blueberry Farms of Australia (BFA). Peter McPherson was hired as manager (see his comments in Community Voices at the end of this chapter). In 1995 BFA was listed on the Australian Stock Exchange and in 1998 merged its business with Chiquita Brands South Pacific Ltd, then a subsidiary of a multinational fruit trader. In 2001, BFA had more than 200 hectares under crop, an income of $12 million to $14 million and employed more than 2000 people during the peak season -September to January.
The Punjabi community has been an important contributor to the success of this operation. In the early years, there had been difficulty in getting reliable pickers. People did not want to work the odd hours under the conditions dictated by fruit-picking work. But when the first Punjabis started in 1988, they showed a knack for it. They were consistent in showing up for work. Initial tensions between Punjabi and non-Punjabi pickers were largely overcome by creating separate picking crews. In the most recent growing season (2000-2001), Punjabis constituted 250 of the 1,000 workers employed on any given day. Almost two thirds of these Punjabi workers were women. The Punjabi community has been a major contributor to the success of the operations by meeting the critical requirement of providing a flexible and hardworking labour force. - Peter McPherson, BFA general manager
The majority of Punjabis work as seasonal pickers or packers. Three Punjabis have been able to gain year-round employment in the maintenance area. The financial controller, Amapole Poonie, is a local Punjabi with a Bachelor of Financial Management who has been with BFA since 1995.
The general consensus in interviews with the Punjabi community has been that initially women started picking blueberries for "spending money", and were followed by new arrivals (spouses and independent migrants) seeking accessible employment and by low-income families looking for a financial leg up. Now, however, there is recognition that, with the decline in the banana industry, the blueberry industry has become crucial in meeting the household and banana-farm budgets of many families. Thus, whereas in the beginning only women worked at the blueberries, men are increasingly attracted by the money to be made and are taking time away from the bananas to pick on weekends and even weekdays.
The implications of Punjabi involvement with blueberries have been profound. In the early years, blueberry picking was low-prestige work and banana farming was regarded as the proper and gainful way to be employed. This attitude reflected the Jat notions of izzat tied to owning one's own land and working for oneself. The involvement of a broader cross-section of the community has led to a significant decrease in this attitude. As one interviewee noted, "even the elite families are out there picking."
For women, employment in the blueberries has been liberating. As we have seen, since the period of settlement in the 1950S and 1960s, Punjabi women's lives in Woolgoolga and the surrounding area have been circumscribed primarily by household duties, labour on the family banana farm and social and religious activities at the gurdwara.'6 There has been very little interaction outside these family oriented activities. Employment at BFA has, for many Punjabi women, offered not only an income but also a window to the wider world.
Blueberries have been important in opening up women's lives. Before they only knew the family, the banana farm and the gurdwara. Now they know that an outside world exists. - John Singh Atwal
Blueberry work is particularly attractive for women since its flexible hours allow them to meet their household, farm, family, religious and social obligations. At the same time, the money to be made at BFA repositions women by giving them a financially contributory role within their families (e.g. in meeting children's needs and buying household accessories) and the freedom to indulge themselves (e.g. with travel abroad, fashion and jewellery).'? A male interviewee talked of female blueberry income as "money to keep them happy". Women themselves spoke of how important it was to have self worth and not to have to rely solely on others. Income from blueberries has clearly been empowering for many women and their economic contributions have raised their status in their families.
As mentioned above, work on the blueberries also provides Punjabi women with social interaction outside the family. This socialisation takes place among Punjabi women in the fields and on the packing lines.
We have really gotten to know one another. We discuss things. There is communication, a social outlet. Support, laughter and close friendships cutting across community factions and family expectations have developed. - Harpreet Kaur Mullee
A related benefit is the increased physical mobility women have gained as a consequence of their employment at BFA. Before 1985, few Punjabi women had obtained drivers' licences, as they would travel to the banana farms or the gurdwara with their husbands or other family members. To get to and from the blueberries without requiring their men to take time off from the bananas, the majority of women were, for the first time, encouraged by their husbands to get drivers' licences. An important spin-off has been that women can now take an increasingly active role in household responsibilities outside the home, such as accessing medical services, paying bills, doing banking and attending school functions.
In general, Punjabi men have been supportive of women's work at BFA. The income has been useful, and the men have recognised that the opportunity to socialise has "kept the women happy." Most men see it as a positive that women are learning about the world outside the Punjabi community and are increasing their workforce skills and English language abilities.
It's good for the women, good social life mixing with other people ... She is happy with herself ... independence is good ... - Kirpal Singh Husna
The income from blueberries is important because a lot of banana farms have only been able to operate and survive because of the blueberry income. This has meant that women have become major contributors to the family income ... - John Singh Atwal
The blueberry work has given women more prestige. They are happy, they are contributing, they are working side by side with the men. And this is the first time that it has happened, as in the past women were left alone when the men went to cut cane ... - Kirpal Singh KhunKkun
It must be noted, however, that the women are still working in unskilled, temporary agricultural labour and mostly with other Punjabis. As a consequence, cultural patterns, gender expectations, language abilities and food habits remain basically the same. The casual nature of employment means that blueberry work is made to accommodate family, banana-farm and cultural demands. But, as casual labour, the job lacks specific duties and performance measures. As a consequence, women by and large are neither learning workplace skills transferable to the formal labour force nor greatly extending their involvement with the non-Punjabi community.
Non-agricultural economic pursuits
A few families have not depended entirely or mainly on bananas or on bananas and blueberries together but have branched out into other economic pursuits, including professional employment and business pursuits.
The first effort to build a business that would cater to the wider community was Maluke Singh Arkan's Temple View Indian Restaurant, built across the road from the Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara and opened in 1979..8 Various endeavours followed during the 1980s and 199os. The most ambitious of these was Salinder Singh Salindra's Raj Mahal complex, which started as a tourist facility in 1989 with the purpose of promoting the local Punjabi community. The complex included an Indian restaurant, a museum of Indian history and culture, Indian sculptures and a scaled replica of the Indian Pacific railway, all meant to evoke highlights of Indian civilisation. Unfortunately, the complex became something of a white elephant as it lacked the tourist trade that had been anticipated.
In 1987, the brothers Amrik and Steve Thandi started Coffs City Glass, a glasssupply business. In their case, the move out of bananas was precipitated for health reasons. The business was such a viable concern that it expanded to Woolgoolga as Northern Beaches Glass in 1996. Another successful commercial undertaking was the supply store for the banana industry owned by the Benning brothers, Jasbinder (Jas) and Tarlochan (Bob). Operating as Benning & Co., it includes branches in Coffs Harbour and Woolgoolga. Jasbinder Singh Benning was able to use skills gained while undertaking his university degree to conceive and manage this viable business operation. Another successful venture was the Prem Singh Bains's Bains Centre shopping complex in the Woolgoolga central business district, which includes a health centre and video shop. Other businesses include Jit Singh Sodhi's Woolgoolga Tyre Centre, Rajinder Singh Bains's Coffs Harbour Laundromat and an Indian spice shop in Coffs Harbour started by Harry Singh. This latter concern subsequently moved to Woolgoolga, where, as Woolgoolga Spice Shop, it has been operated since 1996 by Iqbal Singh Grewal. The Woolgoolga Spice Shop has
expanded into supplying Indian films and Punjabi music and has become a social hub. A recent undertaking of Iqbal Singh Grewal has been to bring the latest Bollywood films (Hindi language films produced in Mumbai, formerly Bombay, India) to Coffs Harbour cinemas for much-wanted entertainment for the local Punjabi community.
I realised that I needed to source a cash flow to support our expanded acreage [in bananas]. I'm confident that we hold 50 per cent of the market against our main competitors. - Jasbinder Singh Benning
I started the tyre centre when I could see that bananas were on the way out. - Jit Sodhi
I started doing it in addition to bananas because the hours suited me and it was extra income. Now I enjoy the social life, and I make money at the same time. - Iqbal Singh Grewal
In the late 1990s, there was a further move by Punjabis into fruit wholesaling. Coffs Traders, owned by Gary Singh, operates out of Coffs Harbour. Tropical Fresh, owned by Ashley More and Daljeet (Shorty) Poonie and Premium Bananas, owned by Roger (Jagraj Singh) Mullee and Steve (Kuldip Singh) Hundle, operate out of Woolgoolga. The More family also owns Sacha Saudha Marketing, operating as Aussie Banana Benders. Mullee and Hundle also own Grow Force, which sells supplies to banana growers.
In addition to these business endeavours, Punjabi professionals with their own businesses include Dr Amarjit Singh More, a son of the village, who has a popular general practice in Woolgoolga; Dr Inderjit Singh, a highly respected migrant from Singapore, who established the Coffs Harbour Eye Centre as a first for the region; and Rajinder Kaur [Mullee], a daughter of the village, who has her own legal practice, Dhaliwal Lawyers, in Coffs Harbour, with her Indian-born husband, Akomkar Singh Dhaliwal.
Punjabi sons and daughters of the village employed locally in professional occupations have included teachers (Sam Singh, Paramjeet Kaur [Pam Singh], Nachattar [Sarto] Kaur Arkan, Dasion Kaur [Dasion Singh], Satinder Singh Grewal and Kulsoom Ahmed), teachers aide/cultural liaison (Joravar [John] Singh Arkan), nurse (Gurdeep Kaur Saro), travel agent (Roger Atwal), town planner (Harpreet Jenkins), bank clerks (Manjeet Kaur Manj and Gurkirpal Singh Grewal), employees in Government departments (Sharon Singh, Amanda Gill and Colleen [Grewal] Keogh), child-care workers (Manjeet Kaur Dosanjh and Resham Kaur Grewal) and a social worker (Rashmere Kaur Bhatti).
Punjabi spouses and recent migrants employed locally in professional occupations have included teachers (Surinder Kaur Kaler), teachers aidefliaison officers (Navneet Kaur Grewal and Rupinder Kaur Nurpuri), librarian (Surinder Kaur Arkan), interpreters (Jasmer Singh Bhatti, Abilash Kaur Hundle and Pinderpal Kaur Mullee), childcare worker (Tersham Kaur Sodhi), bank clerk (Surinder Kaur Bains) and Government employees (Nirman Kaur Atwal, Jasmer Singh Bhatti and Maninder Singh Bhangal).
Internal community life
With the arrival of spouses, the birth of children and the subsequent arrival of extended family members under the relaxed immigration policies that marked the late 1970S and 1980s, the Punjabi community for the first time worked to establish and embrace religious and cultural practices that had previously lacked a critical mass of numbers. Moreover, having now established themselves economically, the community members had the luxury of time and money to indulge themselves in traditional community life that had previously been forgone in Australia.
During this period, social and religious occasions such as weddings, births, akhand paths and gurpurbs were conducted with greater fanfare than they had been previously. Ladies' sangeets (gatherings for women to celebrate auspicious occasions) for the first time provided women with a social outlet beyond the periodic sat sangats. The Sunday services at the gurdwaras, with the tradition of langar established on a weekly basis, encouraged a full day of religious devotion and socialisation. During this period, Punjabi language and religious education classes for children were introduced at the gurdwaras.
Staffing of the gurdwaras also became regularised during this period. In 1982 Nirmal Singh Kandola, an independent migrant banana grower, became the regular granthi and marriage officiant at the First Sikh Temple.'9 In 1996, a Sikh granthi was for the first time brought from India to serve the sangat at the Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara. This not only provided full-time staffing for the gurdwara but also further strengthened the ties to religious developments in the Punjab.20
Eventually, the Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara outgrew its original diwan hall (congregational place of worship), and a magnificant new gurdwara with langar hall was built for the expanding congregation. Craftsmen were brought from India to create an opulent and prominent structure. The new Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara, formally opened on January 3, 1994, has become the icon of Sikh presence in Australia. In addition, it has landed Woolgoolga on the map, serving as a drawcard for tourists to the North Coast and a focus of national interest in the local Punjabi Sikh community.
In 1982, Sant Amar Singh, a Punjabi-based sant with followers in many Sikh diaspora communities, visited Woolgoolga. With his encouragement, a few members of the local community undertook to open a tatht (centre associated with a sant), which ultimately became the Anand Ishar Punjabi School:' The school, under the direction of a principal, teaches Punjabi language, shabid kirtan (recitation of Sikh scriptures) and Sikh religion. In addition, it holds sat sangats which draw primarily upon female worshippers." The school's Punjabi-Ianguage education program received Government funding from the NSW Community Languages Program for several years during the 1980s and 1990s.
The local religious revival of the period was not just the result of growth in numbers. The period of the 1980s and early 1990S saw a renewed concern with Sikh identity worldwide. The events of 1984 -the Government of India assault on the Golden Temple in Amritsar and the pogrom against Sikhs in Delhi after the assassination of Indian premier Indira Gandhi -traumatised Sikhs. Because of their victimisation in India, Sikhs everywhere felt challenged to come to terms with their identity and place in the world. This led to much movement of Sikh prachars (preachers) and ragi jathas (travelling musicians) around the globe raising the consciousness of Sikh congregations. This proved to be an impetus for the First Sikh Temple to reconsider the issue of chairs in their gurdwara. With a realisation that chairs were an anomaly on a global scale and under advice from Sikh authorities in the Punjab, the management committee decided to remove chairs in 1992. In addition, both gurdwaras decided to ban meat and alcohol from social events held in their Jangar halls.
In addition to religious organisations, cultural organisations arose to spearhead the revival and support of Punjabi cultural practices. It was during this period that the Punjabi Cultural Association was formed. Founded in 1979, it sought to bridge the divide between the First Sikh Temple and Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara factions and to promote culture and education for the entire local Punjabi community. Seed funding was provided by the NSW Department of School Education.
Our target [with the Punjabi Cultural Association] was to unite the community and to promote Punjabi culture and language without discrimination. - Salinder Singh Salindera
The aging of the early settlers and the sponsorship of parents of the incoming spouses resulted in a larger proportion of seniors within the community during later decades. Those who were no longer actively labouring on the banana plantations could devote time to religious, cultural and family matters. As such, they became the keepers of tradition. With leisure time available to them, elderly men would meet in the town centre to reminisce and to discuss community affairs. The sight of elderly Punjabi men in public spaces became, during this period, a wellknown feature of life in Woolgoolga. It also vividly transported a familiar social practice from the villages of the Punjab.2
For women, the main means of socialisation have been through visiting homes to congratulate people on engagements and births of babies, preparing traditional Indian sweets for special occasions and extending hospitality and paying respect to visitors from abroad. Perhaps the most important socialising avenue for women became the ladies' sangeet. This is an occasion of great social display and collective effervescence. At the sangeet, women sing folk songs that reflect the values and heritage of Punjabi culture, as well as engaging with the latest bhangra hits (modern pop music based on Punjabi folk music) from the Punjab and other places.
For sons and sons-in-law of the village, besides patronising the local bowling club for relaxation over drinks, an important form of recreation and socialisation has been through sport. In the early 1980s some sons of the village started an informal sports team that engaged local non-Punjabi teams in cricket and soccer.24 This soon led to out-of-town competitions.
We started it as a social thing for the Indians. We played soccer and cricket against Brisbane and they also came to Woolgoolga. We went on for a few years, but then it died out. But some of the next generation continued. - Kirpal Singh Husna
This initial social sport grew more formalised when Woolgoolga Sikhs began to participate in the annual Australian Sikh Games.2S When family connections in Brisbane encouraged Woolgoolga Sikhs to enter a team in the 1992 Sikh Games in Brisbane, the Woolgoolga Sikhs responded by putting together a tug-of-war team.
The Brisbane games were the first that the Woolgoolga Sikhs thought about participating in. They needed an item and came up with the idea of a tug of-war team. It was an informal, social kind of off-the-cuff idea to enable Woolgoolga's participation in the Sikh Games. - Jaswinder Singh Basra
At the Brisbane games, this team was the winner!6 This win spurred the team to take the sport seriously. All the team members were banana growers and, as a result of the continuous hard labour, were physically fit. They recognised that this was a sport that was made for their stamina. And they saw it as a good way to socialise. It is a good regular, social get-together. Really, it is a natural extension of our activities. The work and lifestyle we get from working in the bananas heavy, physically fit. - Kirpal Singh Husna
As a result of their initial success, the Punjabi team entered competitions at the local level throughout the district, including the annual Picnic Fun Day at Woolgoolga Beach. They won most of these competitions. As they went on, they improved and gained sponsorship. Ultimately they took the name of their main and longest-standing sponsor, the Woolgoolga Bowling Club. The Woolgoolga Bowling Club Tug-O-War Team continued to participate in the annual Sikh Games, successfully taking titles in Adelaide, Perth, Brisbane, Melbourne and Sydney. In the 1990S, they progressed to the state level, again emerging as winners. Interestingly, one of their main competitors has been another local Punjabi team, the Doaba Sikhs TugO-War Team. In 1997, the Woolgoolga Bowling Club Tug-O-War Team made history as the first Indian team to compete in the Australian championships, where they placed second overall.
Participation in the Australian Sikh Games gave the community the idea of bidding for the prestigious Sikh Games. Their strong interest in sport and their increasing affluence motivated the bid. In 1995, the Sikh community of Woolgoolga hosted the Eighth Annual Australian Sikh Games. This was the first time that the games had been held outside a metropolitan area. The games proved that the community could unite and show its collective hospitality to the visiting athletes and their families from all parts of Australia and abroad!7 The games were financed by generous donations from the local Punjabi community, the nonPunjabi business community and international patrons (such as the Thakral Group of Companies, based in Singapore). As well, the games received a grant from the Ethnic Affairs Commission of NSW. This was particularly noteworthy as it was the first time that funds were received from a Government source for the Sikh Games.
The Eighth Annual Sikh Games were an outstanding success, marred only by the continuous two-day deluge of rain. As a result of the refusal of the Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara to allow chairs in the Jangar hall, the First Sikh Temple provided the venue for continuous Jangar. This was an good example of seva (service) by the women of the community, who cooked and provided three meals daily for about 1,000 people. This seva truly epitomised the Punjabi generosity and hospitality for which the Woolgoolga Sikh community is well known. The souvenir magazine in English and gurmukhi (Punjabi script) was overwhelmingly supported by nonPunjabi sponsors. It provided a brief account of the community's settlement and its cultural and religious life.
Relations with non-Punjabi community
Sport and business dealings were, in the first decades of settlement, the main ways in which the Punjabi community, especially the adult males, interacted with nonPunjabis. But the level of interaction both at the civic and the informal level remained minimal. Because of their labour commitments in the bananas and their social and religious obligations within the Punjabi community, few Punjabis took an active role in civic organisations or in the social life of the wider community.
There were, of course, exceptions to this generalisation. For example, Teja Singh Grewal spearheaded fundraising efforts within the Punjabi community to buy equipment for the local ambulance station, served as a founding member and vicepresident of the local Meals on Wheels, participated in inter-religious organisations and consistently made presentations to a wide range of community groups with the aim of promoting cross-cultural understanding between the Punjabis and the wider community's And Randhir Kaur Hundle did voluntary work with Meals on Wheels for more than two decades.
We must have interaction with the Western community to help each other. - Teja Singh Grewal
Perhaps the most noteworthy example of participation in a local civic organisation during this era was Joginder Singh Garcha's involvement with the Woolgoolga Lions Club. Garcha has held positions within the club's executive committee for many years and has participated in all the club's humanitarian endeavours. He is particularly well known within the wider community for bringing authentic Indian foods to any formal or informal function sponsored by the Lions Club. In 1999, he was presented the Australian Lions Foundation's James D. Richardson Honour Award for outstanding service to the community. In recognition of his Australian service, Garcha was invited back to his natal village in the Punjab, where he was awarded an honorary membership by the Nawanshahr Lions Club. Another Punjabi actively involved in the Woolgoolga Lions Club was Piara Singh Sodhi who held the position of president in 1998.
I believe in helping todo as much as I can for charity. God has given me a lot, and I want to give back. And this ties in with my belief in what seva means in Sikhism. - Joginder Singh Garcha
During this period politicians began to recognise the growing economic and electoral clout of their Punjabi constituents. They reached out to the community by cultivating Punjabi community leaders and appearing at Punjabi cultural events. In the 1990s, Andrew Fraser, State Member for Coffs Harbour, and Garry Nehl, Federal Member for Cowper, developed good relationships with such members of the Punjabi community as Nasib Grewal, Kirpal KhunKhun, Rashmere Bhatti, Prem Bains and Amarjit More.
Despite examples such as these, the fact remains that during this period the Punjabi community as a whole harboured an underlying wariness of relationships with the wider community, dating back to white Australia and racist incidents predating multiculturalism. The prime example of this tension was the ban on turbaned Sikhs entering the Woolgoolga Returned Services League (RSL) Club. This underlying tension preoccupied Woolgoolga from the time of Punjabi settlement and it came to a head on the occasion of the visit of the Governor-General, Bill Hayden, to Woolgoolga in 1993.
The local RSL branch had claimed that it was disrespectful to the fallen veterans to enter the club with one's head covered. Consequently, the RSL required that all headgear be removed. Sikhs argued that the turban was not comparable to a hat and that taking off one's turban was not comparable to removing one's hat as a sign of respect. In India turbans are symbols of respect and dignity and, for Sikhs, a part of the Khalsa bana (uniform).'9 Ironically, the British Indian army had required Sikhs to wear their turbans in all situations, including in combat and on ceremonial occasions. Consequently, the Sikhs could only understand the RSL resistance as a sign of disrespect for their cultural traditions based on underlying racism.
For their part, those RSL members defending the ban claimed that they were only following longstanding tradition by banning headgear. Moreover, they queried why, since the majority of Sikhs in Woogoolga were bareheaded, this was being made an issue. In fact, however, far from being irrevocable tradition, Woolgoolga's RSL was believed to be the only RSL club in Australia to maintain this ban. It eventually came out, in letters published in the local press, that the ban on Sikhs was a deliberate and direct move by a few individuals who claimed that they had suffered cruelty from Sikh guards during World War Ipo Regardless of these personal factors, the issue was seen as a key symbolic indicator of social relationships and one that needed to be resolved in the interests of ethnic harmony in Woolgoolga.
In an effort to move the issue toward resolution, Dr Amarjit Singh More, on behalf of the Punjabi community, raised the issue of the exclusion of turbaned Sikhs from the RSL club with the visiting governor-general. In his speech, he concluded:
In a multicultural society it is not unlikely that on occasions there may be conflicts of cultural traditions or ethos. These conflicts should be resolved amicably. A few members of the Woolgoolga community consider a turbaned Sikh inside the premises of the RSL Club to be disrespectful to the Australian martyrs. In Eastern culture, especially in India, a turban is worn by Sikh, Hindu and Muslim alike. It is not merely a part of attire but bestows honour and respect. A compulsion to remove a turban in public in Indian culture is extremely demeaning and humiliating. Sikhs have a proud martial heritage and long-cherished friendship with the armed forces of Britain, Australia and New Zealand. From the Boer War in South Africa to the campaign against the Japanese in South-East Asia, turbaned Sikhs have fought and died alongside the Anzacs and the British for the preservation of our egalitarian and democratic ideals. The Sikhs more than any other ethnic group have nothing but utmost veneration and respect for Australian veterans and martyrs.
I expostulate to our friends and fellow residents in the echelon of the local RSL that they too respect our cultural tradition and not humiliate our turbaned Sikhs by compelling them to remove turbans in public. Sir, I am confident there is ample good will, harmony and unity to resolve these conflicts through consensus and conciliation.
Following the governor-general's visit, the matter raged in the press. Eventually the Punjabi community took a complaint to the Equal Opportunity Tribunal. However, before the tribunal could rule, leading members on both sides met to resolve the issueY In the end, the RSL club board of directors passed a new by-law on July 20, 1993, that allowed headgear to be worn by staff in food preparation, by entertainers, by members of the armed services, by police and by people with "genuine religious, racial or cultural conviction".
This was a tremendous symbolic victory for the Punjabi Sikh community in Woolgoolga in so far as it finally recognised Sikh practices as worthy of accommodation in the public sphere. Finally, the multicultural ideology of accepting Australians for their cultural differences and of living in harmony seemed to be triumphing over the vestiges of white Australia.
Woolgoolga Neighbourhood Centre Inc.
One result of the RSL battle in Woolgoolga in 1993 was to make clear that relations between the Punjabi community and non-Punjabis were evolving. The Punjabi community, in the 20 years since official multiculturalism, had come to enjoy economic success and a robust internal community life. But their work routines and their cultural and religious responsibilities were still factors limiting their interaction and involvement with the wider community. Moreover, the physical village setup resulted in the ability to maintain very dense interaction patterns with fellow Punjabis, creating something of a cocoon from Western life.
Fortuitously, at this time a proposal to establish an information, referral and social welfare organisation in Woolgoolga received support from the whole community. To this end, the Woolgoolga Neighbourhood Centre Inc (WNC) was established in 1993.32 The WNC was given the responsibility of providing many recreational, welfare, educational, information, health and aged services for the wider community. In addition, it was expected that it would be a site for addressing the needs of the Punjabi community as a non-English-speaking background group requiring assistance to participate fully in Australian society. Thus, from the outset, one vision for the WNC as an organisation was that it would serve as a hub for multicultural interaction in the community.
Both the National Agenda for a Multicultural Society, articulated by the Federal Government in 1988, and its NSW counterpart had recognised the cultural and ethnic diversity of Australian society and articulated the need for the Government to take a proactive role in making multiculturalism work for individuals and the society as a whole. Government policies, at both the State and Federal level, promoted the Access and Equity strategy designed to break down barriers of language, culture and prejudice and to ensure that public agencies were able to deal effectively with the needs of migrants and others of non-English-speaking backgrounds.
With the development of the WNC, seed funding from the NSW Ethnic Affairs Commission supported trial programs in adult literacy and translation services and facilitated consultations between Government officials and Punjabi community representatives. More significant was the funding (Grant-in-Aid program) from the Commonwealth Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs to establish ongoing settlement services for the Punjabi community. This supported welfare, information, referral and community development objectives for new arrivals and isolated migrant communities.
The Community Settlement Service Scheme (CSS), a successor to the Grant-inAid, was the major program available under the Access and Equity strategy to support work with the Punjabi community.33 CSS started operating at the WNC in October 1995. The purpose of the program was to use skilled workers to address issues at the local level and to promote migrant access to Government and other services. The WNC board of management selected Rashmere Bhatti for this portfolio on the basis of her cross-cultural skills and managerial expertise, thus consolidating the new CSS services with those that she was already providing to the general community as co-ordinator of the WNC.
The Member for Cowper, Garry Nehl, presents an Australian flag to the chairperson of the Wooigooiga Neighbourhood Centre at the time, Richard Burnand, and the Punjabi community to mark the grant of settlement services funding in 1995.
Multiculturalism is very good ... it is helpful to the community, develops understanding and harmony. And WNC is playing a part. It is a good centre point for people who don't have the skills and understanding to access services. It is a link to the rest of the world. - Kirpal KhunKhun
Major programs initiated under the C55 scheme in Woolgoolga fell into the areas of immigration, education, translation and interpretation, health, welfare, civic rights and obligations and cross-cultural awareness training.
One major event in recognition of the C55 program at the WNC and the needs of the local Punjabi community in multicultural Australia was the visit by the Federal Minister for the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, Philip Ruddock, on February 28,1997. The minister was invited to meet and consult with the community on issues of interest to them, especially with respect to the family migration program. This groundwork resulted in recognition of the special needs of this community, especially by senior staff at the Australian High Commissioner's office in New Delhi. It is, after all, these officials who are responsible for the
approval of spousal visas for brides and grooms brought from India through arranged marriage and for the approval of visas for aged parents and other relatives brought out from India to fulfil the responsibilities of the extended family.
The WNC is making a big difference in the lives of the Punjabi community ... TAFE courses, English language classes, health workshops and the immigration information are very good and helpful. -Inderpal Kaur Sodhi
The WNC is a good communicator, a voice for the people, a support network ... And the immigration people are learning about our requirements. -Dilbara Singh
In the area of education, the adult literacy program was especially important for the new brides brought out from the Punjab through arranged marriages. The program has proven to be a good stepping stone to their understanding of the Australian system. In addition, some of the women who have lived here for a reasonable time and those recently arrived with advanced education have been able to access the mainstream workforce (especially in such areas as child care and teaching) through personal-, skill-and career-development programs taken through the WNC.
It [WNC] is very useful for the community, especially Rashmere's bilingual role. And you feel supported with so many issues -health, literacy. And these are not available elsewhere. I really admire some of the programs, like health for older Punjabis. - Navneet Kaur Grewal
Since the Punjabi community in Australia is rather small in comparison with other non-English-speaking background communities, Punjabi has not been formally recognised in Australia as a major ethnic language. Consequently, information on Government services has not been readily available to those in the Punjabi community with limited English language skills. The WNC sought to address this significant gap through provision of locally based translation and interpreter services. This initiative, at a local level, implemented one of the strategies of the NSW Charter of Principles for Service in a Culturally Diverse Society for meeting the needs of migrants. It also provided employment opportunities for Punjabi migrants with bilingual skills.
The health needs of the Punjabi community were being met at only a rudimentary level until recently, especially in relation to Australia's community initiatives in health awareness and prevention. In partnership with local, State and Federal health agencies, the WNC initiated projects in women's health (cervical screening and breast screening), in men's health (safe chemical use in banana farming) and in health education (exercise and nutrition) for older people.34
The key to the success of these programs has been the bilingual community educator model. The women trained as bilingual community educators under this initiative became valued resource persons for other agencies wishing to work with the Punjabi community. This model was recognised at the second NSW Multicultural Health Promotion Conference in 1998.
I think the WNC is good, understanding in getting to the heart of the culture [barriers] and helping with the information programs. - Narinder Singh Lalli
Yet provision of welfare services to the Punjabi community in this area has long been challenging because Punjabi cultural notions of izzat, as discussed earlier, are tied to the notion of family self-sufficiency. To provide for the aged and needy is a responsibility of the family. Therefore, to seek help outside the family through welfare providers can bring the family into disrepute and invite gossip. Nevertheless, over a period of time, many general welfare services offered through the WNC (such as free tax help, legal advice, job applications, counselling and overseas schools recognition) increasingly came to be accessed by Punjabis. And those individuals facing true crisis situations, such as domestic violence and inequitable treatment in the family, have turned to the WNC for assistance.35
The WNC is very good ... [It is] particularly important as an individual independent source of help outside the family. It is excellent for new migrants where independent help is not available. - Surinder Kaur Arkan
The WNC is really informative. You can find out about most things, like immigration matters. And it is our voice for the community. - Abilash Kaur Hundle
A major expected outcome of the C55 funding was that it would foster broader community interaction. To that end, the WNC educated the Punjabi community about their civic rights and responsibilities. This encouraged community members to participate in Australia's consultative democracy through interaction with such institutions as the local Chamber of Commerce, banana industry committees, government agencies, school bodies and civic organisations.
In addition, the WNC took the lead, in collaboration with schools, community groups and government agencies, in furthering cross-cultural awareness in the wider community through multiple community presentations, educational workshops and media promotion of the Punjabi community.36 This book itself was born out of the wider community's desire to learn more about their Punjabi neighbours.
Overall, the establishment of settlement services for the Punjabi community at the WNC has been important in linking multicultural government initiatives with locally recognised needs. The C55 program, as part of the WNC, has proven to be a catalyst for the Punjabi community to become more than simply economic players in the life of the Woolgoolga community. In the final analysis, the overarching achievement of the C55 program has been to begin to empower community members to take a more active and confident role in local civic life as Australian citizens.
WNC is doing the work of multiculturalism ... It is the voice for the Punjabi community, the link with the government and community. It is doing well in Woolgoolga, and everyone accepts and knows its role. - Kashmir Singh Gill
1 "Multicultural" is an adjective describing the cultural and ethnic diversity of contemporary Australian society. It recognises that Australia is, and will remain, a culturally diverse country. (DIMA Fact sheet 8: The evolution of Australia's Multicultural Policies.) The noun "multiculturalism" refers to the active public policy and the proactive approach taken by the Government to addressing the challenges and opportunities arising from living in a multicultural society. (Australian Multiculturalism for a New Century: Toward Inclusiveness, 1999.)
2 The immigration policy changes of the mid-1970s mainly affected independent professional migrants and those qualifying for family reunion status. The former had relatively little effect on the rural community in Woolgoolga, while the latter was important in recreating the extended families of Woolgoolga. In addition, some individuals benefited from two amnesties extended in the 1970s which allowed those who were unlawful to regularise their status.
3 The Sydney Morning Herald, August 17, 1964.
4 The Advocate (Coffs Harbour), August 17, 1967.
5 Izzat is about male autonomy. The autonomy offered by self-employment and ownership of land is a dominant value in Jat society. Consequently, all things being equal, a Jat would prefer to be his own boss.
6 Of course, it must be noted that in rural Woolgoolga at this time not many non-Punjabi girls were going to university either.
7 Cosmopolitans are characterised by their ability to move among different cultural settings. This is achieved through their cultural capital (linguistic and social skills) that is transferable from one context to another.
8 In the patriarchal Punjabi culture, izzat is all about autonomy for males, with the male being responsible for the reputation of the family. This focus on autonomy includes control over land and labour (keeping it from being appropriated by others) and women (keeping them from being appropriated by others).
9 Some of the early female settlers in Woolgoolga contrast the greater degree of their interaction with non-Punjabis in the early years of settlement to that experienced since the 19605. This relative freedom can be attributed both to the assimilative pressure from the wider community at the time and the lack of social pressure from other Punjabis.
10 Increasingly, female education in India has become seen as a prerequisite for upward mobility, because the professional Indian man wants the prestige of an educated wife, whether or not she is allowed to pursue a career.
11 Neil Yeates, Woo/goo/go: The History of a Village, rev. ed., Bananacoast Printers, Coffs Harbour, 1994, p. 194.
12 This is a NSW Agriculture estimation as of 2001.
13 Gurmit (Johnny) Sidhu was the first Punjabi to build a brick home in Woolgoolga. It was at 22 Nightingale Street. He subsequently built up a number of rental properties in town.
14 From its inception in 1932, the Banana Growers Federation Co-operative (BGF) represented NSW banana growers as well as providing transportation and retail services to the industry. These functions were split with the advent of the Banana Industry Committee (BIC) in 1989. The BIC was given broad responsibilities and powers to represent the interests of NSW banana growers. Growers are charged on a per hectare basis for provision of services in areas of pest and disease control, research and development, administration, grower representation, advertising and promotion. The Australian Banana Growers Council Incorporated is the national agri-political organisation that represents all 2,320 Australian banana growers. At the local level, the Banana Growers Association (BGA) represents Woolgoolga and Coffs Harbour growers, channelling issues to the BIC.
15 Our Big Fruit Market is on Top of the World, Johnson Farm Management Pty. Limited, Coffs Harbour, n.d., p. 7.
16 This applies particularly to those migrating after 1970 and to those who came as brides (who function within the boundaries and expectations of their husbands' extended families). These circumscriptions have applied somewhat less to the daughters of the village who have grown up and been educated in Australia.
17 The income from blueberries is good if the picker masters the skill of picking fast and efficiently. Most Punjabis are excellent pickers and the average picker can earn between $70 and $130 a day depending on the amount of fruit picked and the number of hours worked. Most pickers earn between $80 and $110 a day working a seven-hour day, especially during November and December. (Picking continues throughout the year, except for April and May, with the peak season from September to December.) In the peak season a good picker can earn between $8,000 and $12,000.
18 The Temple View Restaurant has since been sold and is now owned by a group of banana growers who have leased the premises. It operates under new management as the Maharaja Indian Restaurant. The current lessee, Lakbir Singh Saini, also operates Maharaja restaurants in Port Macquarie and South West Rocks.
19 The first granthi at the First Sikh Temple, Surjit Kaur Narwal, was succeeded by another settler, Gurbax Singh Atwal. Later Shamsher Singh, a sponsored migrant, also served as granthi and marriage celebrant. Nirmal Singh Kandola has remained the granthi since 1982.
20 Sponsoring granthis from India also helped resolve an internal dispute within the Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara over who, from among the congregation, would perform religious services. Heretofore, Teja Singh Grewal and Bhupinder Singh Lalli had rotated the duties. The first Indian granthi, Rashpal Singh, served from 1996-98. The current Indian granthi, Manjit Singh, has served since 1998.
21 The position of sont, as a holy man, is fraught with controversy within contemporary Sikhism. The sant who builds a personal following risks being seen as setting himself up as a Guru, an untenable position in a religion that vests the Guruship in the Granth (holy scripture) and Panth (collectiVity). Within the Panth in the Punjab, the Malwa region is known for its following of sants. In Woolgoolga, the few Sikh families from Malwa are over-represented as a percentage of the participants in religious activities at the Anand Ishar Punjabi School.
22 Sat sangats are held on sangrand (the first day of the month) and puraan-mashi (the day of the full moon and marking the end of the lunar month).
23 In village Punjab, senior males meet in the chowk (the central place of the village) as an everyday occurrence. This is more than a social occasion. It is where important political and social decisions are made concerning village life.
24 The original team members included George Atwal, John Atwal, Kirpal Husna, Mal Husna, Tom Malhi, Bruce Malhi, Robert Grewal and Johnny Grewal. These are all sons of the settlers.
25 The Australian Sikh Games are an annual event held each April in conjunction with Baisakhi Day celebrations
26 The original team members were Balvinder Basra, Rajdavinder Singh, Jaswinder Basra, Gurdial Sangera, Joginder Garcha, Nirmal Kondola, Prem Bains (coach), Joga Sodhi, Narinder Bajwa and Probjot Singh (not in photo). 27 The Woolgoolga Organising Committee Sikh Eighth Annual Games in Australia (WQCSEAGA) was elected by the community. It was made up of the following members: Amarjit More, president; Kirpal KhunKhun, vice-president; Rashmere Bhatti, secretary; Prem Bains, treasurer; Ajit Nurpuri; Kirpal Husna; Stephen Thandi; Narinder Bajwa; Nachattar Sidhu; Sukdev Malhi and Harbans Gill.
28 Other Punjabi founding members of Meals on Wheels were Pritim Singh and Nasib Singh Grewal.
29 Khalsa Sikhs, those having taken amrit, follow Rahit (a code for conduct) that requires them to retain kes (uncut hair). The turban is a neat and tidy means of covering the hair and now forms an essential part of the uniform maintained by Khalsa Sikhs and emulated by others. Intentional removal of the turban is unpardonable, and forced removal is a gross insult and a violation of one's person and religious identity. See chapter one.
30 Most Sikhs fought in the British Indian Army alongside allied troops during World War II. Consequently, most Sikhs were Australian allies fighting alongside Anzac troops. Members of the Indian National Army (INA), an anticolonial group operating primarily in South-East Asia, sided with the Japanese in the hopes of driving the British from India. It must have been INA troops, under Japanese supervision, whom these Australians encountered as prisoners of war in Singapore.
31 Members of this ad hoc committee included Fred Hill, Trevor Goldthorpe, Graham Kemp, Nasib Singh Grewal, Kulbir Singh Atwal. Sohan Singh Badni and Roger Atwal.
32 The Woolgoolga Neighbourhood Centre was initially established as an outreach service from Coffs Harbour Neighbourhood Centre (CHNC). The entire operations were dependent on voluntary labour, fundraising and the generous support of the Woolgoolga community. Lynn Wright of Woolgoolga Physiotherapy provided office space and administrative support to get the operation up and running. The WNC became independent of CHNC in 1994.
33 CSS funding for the WNC was achieved with the support of then State director for the Commonwealth Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, Keith Owen, and the Federal Member for Cowper, Garry Nehl.
34 N5W Cervical Screening program, Commonwealth Work Cover and the NSW Department of Sport and Recreation were the respective Government partners.
35 The (SS worker, with community support, has been able to resolve issues regarding the ineqUitable treatment of migrants by their sponsers under Australian law.
36 One of the initiatives was to assist St Francis Xavier Primary School in Woolgoolga to establish a position for a Punjabi staff member to teach Punjabi language and culture.
