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 Intelligence 
        about private armies and sale and movement of arms and ammunition had 
        been collected by the Punjab administration since a long time, and the 
        fact that a very large population in Punjab had served in the army 
        should have left no doubt that a bloodbath would occur if proper 
        arrangements were not made to prevent it. The Sikhs could always use 
        their kirpans as daggers. They were also better organised for the final 
        showdown. 
 Governor Jenkins requested at least four divisions of troops under 
        British command to supervise the partition, but the British government 
        replied curtly that no such divisions existed. Mountbatten remained 
        supremely confident that Jinnah, Nehru, Patel, Tara Singh, Giani Kartar 
        Singh and others would exercise their influence in seeing to it that the 
        partition of Punjab could be carried out peacefully without causing any 
        displacement of people!
 
 My extensive interviews with Muslim survivors from East Punjab show that 
        almost nobody in the rural areas had any idea that Punjab will be 
        partitioned; much less that they will have to abandon hearth and home. 
        Hindus and Sikhs in the villages and small towns of western Punjab were 
        equally unaware of what lay in store for them, although half a million 
        had moved eastwards beginning from March 1947.
 
 Conspiracy theories have surrounded the Radcliffe Award of August 17, 
        but a serious analysis would reveal that it largely followed the 
        "contiguous population" principle and "other factors" were only 
        recognised partially. Thus despite Sikh and Hindu arguments about owning 
        75 per cent or more property in Lahore and other districts of Lahore 
        division they were given to Pakistan including Nankana Sahib, the 
        birthplace of Guru Nanak; so were the canal colonies of Lyallpur and 
        Montgomery where the Sikhs owned nearly 75 per cent of rich agricultural 
        land.
 
 In any event, the Sikh holy city of Amritsar remained in India because 
        Amritsar district had a non-Muslim majority. But three tehsils of the 
        Gurdaspur district on the eastern bank of the Ravi -- Gurdaspur, Batala 
        and Pathankot (non-Muslim majority) -- were given to India, although the 
        district as a whole had a very narrow Muslim majority of 51.1 per cent.
 
 Thus the non-Muslim majority Ferozepur district in the southwest and 
        Gurdaspur district (minus Shakargarh which was on the western bank of 
        the Ravi and given to Pakistan) in the northeast and the Wagah-Attari 
        region in the middle were connected to form an international border more 
        or less equidistant between Lahore and Amritsar. From Lahore the border 
        followed the Ravi upwards into Kashmir.
 
 For serious scholars of the Radcliffe Award it would be interesting to 
        note that it corresponded exactly to the Breakdown Plan which Viceroy 
        Wavell had sent as a top secret document to London on February 7, 1946. 
        Wavell believed that the British should pull out quickly in case of an 
        uprising. He had proposed a border in a partitioned Punjab, which was 
        identical to the Radcliffe Award.
 
 From August 18 onwards hell literally broke loose, especially in East 
        Punjab where troops from the Sikh states such as Patiala, Nabha and 
        Faridkot were involved in the attacks. The successor governments of East 
        and West Punjab proved thoroughly incompetent in protecting the lives of 
        the minorities. There is abundant evidence that the administrations 
        turned partisan on both sides. Suddenly the greatest involuntary 
        migration in history began to take place.
 
 The Punjab Boundary Force was disbanded on September 1 as it proved to 
        be completely ineffective and in some cases partisan. The Indian and 
        Pakistani military then agreed to form mixed units to supervise transfer 
        of populations. This formula worked much better and hundreds of 
        thousands of lives could be saved, but even their best efforts proved to 
        be grossly inadequate.
 
 From East Punjab some six million Muslims tried to cross the border into 
        Pakistan while some four million Hindus and Sikhs moved in the opposite 
        direction from West Punjab. According to Sir Penderel Moon 60,000 Hindus 
        and Sikhs were killed in West Punjab and twice as many: 120,000 Muslims 
        in East Punjab. This estimate is too low. Justice G D Kholsa claimed 
        that at least 500,000 died, of which 200,000 to 250,000 were Hindus and 
        Sikhs. He admitted that more Muslims were killed in East Punjab than 
        Hindus and Sikhs in West Punjab. Lt-General (r) Aftab Ahmad Khan who 
        served in the Punjab Boundary Force and then in the Pakistani force that 
        along with Indian units escorted refugee conveys across the border, 
        claimed in a letter to me that at least 500,000 Muslims lost their 
        lives.
 
 I have done interviews on both sides of Punjab. There is no doubt that 
        many more Muslims lost their lives. Between 700,000 and 800,000 Hindus, 
        Muslims and Sikhs perished altogether. That year the monsoons were also 
        in a bloody mood. A large number of deaths was the result of cholera, 
        dysentery, malaria and typhoid which plagued the refugee camps and the 
        caravans on the move.
 
 Good people from all communities helped their neighbours and friends and 
        even complete strangers. The Khaksars did a great job in protecting 
        Hindus and Sikhs in Rawalpindi while in Amritsar the communists will 
        never be forgotten for saving thousands of lives.
 
 The Sikh hordes did not touch Muslims who crossed into Malerkotla State, 
        but those just a few feet away from its borders were cut down without 
        any mercy. Thanks to Guru Gobind Singh's instructions, the Muslims of 
        Malerkotla were not to be harmed come what may in the future because the 
        Nawab had not complied with the demands of the Mughals to arrest the 
        Guru's minor sons who were passing through his State. Malerkotla is the 
        only Muslim-majority town in East Punjab and elects one member of the 
        East Punjab Assembly.
 
 The killing units on both sides were formed by nexuses of local 
        political bosses, police, corrupt magistrates, badmashes (criminals), 
        fanatical religious figures and drug addicts from all the communities. 
        The gangs excelled each other in inflicting cruelty on hapless men, 
        women and children. Revenge, "communal honour", loot and lust were the 
        main factors that impelled them to commit crimes against humanity. There 
        was nothing remotely noble about their conduct. In this regard the 
        shameful role of communal newspapers needs to be particularly condemned. 
        They played a most vicious role in creating the mindset that demonised 
        and dehumanised rival communities.
 
 As far as the main leadership is concerned, we should note that a 
        Gandhi-Jinnah peace appeal was issued as early as mid April 1947, but it 
        did little to change the situation on the ground. Jawaharlal Nehru 
        intervened personally to save the lives of thousands of Muslims in 
        Batala and Jalandhar while the goondas of Sardar Patel funded bomb 
        factories in Amritsar and elsewhere. Prime Minister Nehru and Prime 
        Minister Liaqat Ali Khan together toured the two Punjabs in the last 
        days of August trying to calm down the situation, but things had gone 
        out of control.
 
 Although Delhi was not administratively a part of Punjab its Muslims had 
        to bear the fallout of the Punjab bloodbath. The late Dr Ishtiaq Hussain 
        Qureshi has written what happened to thousands of desperate Muslims who 
        pleaded to Gandhiji to save them. He promised to do his best. Dr Qureshi 
        notes that most of them survived and concludes that Gandhiji kept his 
        word.
 
 The 
        author is a visiting senior research fellow at the Institute of South 
        Asian Studies (ISAS), National University of Singapore on leave from the 
        University of Stockholm, Sweden. 
        Email: isasia@nus.edu.sg
   
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