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      The 
      Punjab governors, Sir Bertrand Glancy (from April 7, 1940 to April 7, 
      1946) and Sir Evan Jenkins (April 8, 1946 to August 14, 1947) had been 
      warning repeatedly that if India was partitioned, the partition of Punjab 
      would become impossible to prevent. But attempts to keep it united 
      continued almost to the very end. Sir Khizr Hayat Tiwana proposed that the 
      Punjab could choose to remain undivided and seek direct dominion status 
      within the British Commonwealth as an independent unit.
 Mountbatten, otherwise notorious for a hurried and bloody partition of 
      India, was supportive of a Punjabi solution that would result in an agreed 
      international boundary. He threw his weight behind a meeting held in May 
      1947 between Jinnah and the Maharaja of Patiala for a settlement on the 
      Punjab. That round of negotiations failed. The Punjab Muslim League, the 
      Punjab Congress and the Sikhs exchanged messages and even met a number of 
      times to find a solution to the Punjab problem, but the Congress and the 
      Muslim League top leaderships at the national level overruled an 
      independent settlement among Punjabis.
 
 The last serious attempt to achieve a Muslim-Sikh settlement that would 
      keep the Punjab united took place in June-July 1947 when Major Short, a 
      man very close to the Sikh leaders and Sir Penderel Moon (then a minister 
      in the Bahawalpur State), an old Punjab hand, tried to facilitate a deal, 
      but it too fizzled out because the Rawalpindi massacres had created deep 
      suspicion among the Sikhs while the Muslim leaders did little to assuage 
      their fears.
 
 Meanwhile, on June 3 the Partition Plan was announced. It stated that 
      contiguous Muslim majority areas in the Punjab will be separated from 
      non-Muslim ones, but also "other factors" will be considered when 
      demarcating the international boundary. The statement also emphasised the 
      special case of the Sikhs and the need to protect their interests. Using 
      the 1941 census as the basis of population distribution, 17 districts 
      constituting the whole of Rawalpindi and Multan divisions and except for 
      Amritsar district the rest of Lahore division were notionally placed in 
      western Punjab. The remaining 12 districts constituting the Jalandhar and 
      Ambala divisions were placed in eastern Punjab.
 
        
      The mechanism for the partition of the Punjab was also elaborated. The 
      Punjab Assembly (elected in 1946 but in suspension since March 5 when the 
      governor's rule was imposed) was to meet, but as two separate entities: 
      East and West Punjab assemblies. The notional division of Punjab was used 
      for separating the two assemblies. They were to meet to vote on whether 
      the Punjab should be partitioned or not. If either assembly voted by 
      majority in favour of partition it would be implemented.
 The Muslim members of the East Punjab Assembly voted in favour of keeping 
      Punjab united while the Hindus and Sikhs voted for the Punjab to be 
      partitioned. By an overwhelming majority it voted in favour of the 
      partition of the province. In the West Punjab Assembly Muslim members, 
      including Khizr and other member of his Unionist Party, voted to keep 
      Punjab united while Hindus and Sikhs wanted it to be partitioned. The 
      government considered the result a sufficient basis to accept that the 
      Punjab will be partitioned since the East Punjab Assembly had voted in its 
      favour.
 
 In subsequent clarifications, the government stressed that such a division 
      was only notional and the actual border between India and Pakistan would 
      look different once the Punjab Boundary Commission had considered the 
      arguments of the parties involved and the chairman announced the boundary 
      award.
 
 On July 17 a Punjab Boundary Force under Major-General Rees was announced. 
      It was to monitor events in 12 central districts -- Lahore, Sialkot, 
      Gujranwala, Sheikhupura, Lyallpur, Montgomery, Amritsar, Gurdaspur, 
      Hoshiarpur, Jalandhar, Ferozepur and Ludhiana -- where most trouble was 
      expected to take place. The PBF had no jurisdiction in the Sikh states and 
      was woefully undermanned. It had at most 9 to 12 thousand men at its 
      disposal, all locals except for the highest officers who were British, to 
      cover 37,500 sq. miles. The PBF was to take up its task from August 1.
 
 A Punjab Boundary Commission comprising Muslim League nominees, Justice 
      Din Muhammad and Justice Muhammad Munir, and Justice Mehr Chand Mahajan 
      and Justice Teja Singh, nominees of the Congress and Sikhs, was set up. 
      Sir Cyril Radcliffe was to be its chairperson. The commission met during 
      July 21 and 31 and heard the arguments from not only the main parties but 
      also minor ones such as Christians, Anglo-Indians, and the scheduled 
      castes (so-called untouchables). Sir Cyril never attended any of the 
      sessions held in the premises of the Lahore High Court. He remained in 
      Delhi and received the transcripts of the proceedings everyday.
 
 Meanwhile, violent activities were affecting more and more of the Punjab. 
      From the middle of June, besides Lahore and Amritsar, Gujranwala, Sialkot 
      and Jalandhar where reporting rioting. Non-Muslims were largely on the 
      receiving end but in Gurgaon district in the Ambala division the Muslim 
      minority was increasingly being attacked by the Hindu Jats. From the 
      middle of July reports of Sikh jathas beginning to operate in Hoshiarpur, 
      rural Amritsar, Ludhiana and Jalandhar were coming in.
 
 The exodus of non-Muslims from the western districts had started already 
      in March 1947 and by August 15, according to Major-General Fazal Muqeem 
      Khan, nearly 300,000 had crossed into the eastern districts. Other 
      estimates put the figure at, at least 500,000. On the other hand, although 
      the Sikh jathas had begun to attack on a large scale in the Amritsar 
      district from about August 9 the first large-scale movement of Muslims 
      from the eastern districts towards the western regions was reported as 
      late as August 12. The whole of Punjab was now disturbed.
 
 It must be said to the full credit of the Punjab Governor, Sir Evan 
      Jenkins, that despite his Hindu, Muslim and Sikh officials becoming 
      partisan, especially after having opted for either India or Pakistan as 
      was allowed to them, he was able to prevent large-scale killings till he 
      handed over charge to the East and West Pakistan governments on August 15.
 
 In the figures on casualties up to August 2, 1947, the governor reported 
      3,753 Hindus and Sikhs killed and 879 Muslims. Most of the non-Muslim 
      deaths occurred in Rawalpindi district while most Muslims lost their lives 
      in Gurgaon. August 2 onwards, the scale of killing increased dramatically. 
      In the final essay next week in this current series on the Punjab 
      partition we will try to explain what happened after British colonial rule 
      ended in Punjab after 98 years.
 
 
 
 The writer is a visiting senior research fellow at the Institute of South 
      Asian Studies (ISAS), National University of Singapore on leave from the 
      University of Stockholm. 
      Email: 
      isasia@nus.edu.sg
     
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